Saturday, January 2, 2021

Prevailing Brain Dogmas Cannot Explain Hypnotic Phenomena

Most of the main normal mental phenomena of humans cannot be explained by prevailing dogmas that everything mental is caused by the brain. Humans can form new memories instantly. If suddenly someone sticks a gun in your mouth, you will instantly form a permanent new memory.  Neuroscientist attempts to explain memory formation (through vague crude ideas such as "synapse strengthening") fail miserably when we consider facts such as the short lifetimes of synapse proteins (only a few weeks), and the fact that such a synapse strengthening would take too long to explain the instant formation of new memories.  Neuroscientists cannot explain how you can instantly recall a memory when asked a question, or how learned knowledge could ever be translated into neural states or synapse states.  Neuroscientists also cannot explain how a brain could possibly cause a person to be conscious, or to have a unified self.  Our professors of neuroscience are also utterly unable to explain such basic human phenomena as imagination and the creation of new ideas.  No one can give a coherent explanation as to how a single neuron or a billions could ever come up with a novel idea. 

Besides failing to credibly explain normal human mental phenomena,  we cannot credibly explain a large variety of abnormal human mental phenomena through theories that our minds come from our brains. For example, materialists are unable to credibly explain phenomena such as apparition sightings and near-death experiences. 

The theory that your brain makes your mind also cannot explain a wide variety of baffling phenomena that occur under hypnosis. Such phenomena have been observed for more than two hundred years. What the average person knows about strange occurrences during hypnotic trances is only a fraction of the baffling anomalies that have been historically documented. 

Let us look at some of the strange phenomena that have been well-documented as occurring during hypnotic trances.

Phenomenon #1: post-hypnotic amnesia, a failure to remember what happened under hypnosis, except when returning to a hypnotic trance, or after a post-hypnotic cue has been given.  

First, let us look at a well-known aspect of hypnosis that is inexplicable under prevailing dogmas about the brain and mind.  I refer to the fact that a hypnotized person will often be able to hear speech and respond to questions. But when he is awoken from a hypnotized person, that same person will often be unable to remember anything that went on during the hypnotic trance.  But if that person is then put under hypnosis again, he will be able to remember what previously occurred during his hypnotic trance. 

Such a tendency is mentioned in an 1851 book on hypnotism (when it was then commonly called animal magnetism). The book by William Gregory MD stated this (using the word "sleeper" for a hypnotized person, and "sleep" for a hypnotic trance):

"As a general rule, but not a rule without some exceptions, the sleeper does not remember, after waking, what he may have seen, felt, tasted, smelled, heard, spoken, or done, during his sleep ; but when next put to sleep, he recollects perfectly all that has occurred, not only in the last sleep, but in all former sleeps, and, as in the ordinary state, with greater or less accuracy, although usually very accurately indeed."

Such a failure to remember  what occurred in the hypnotic state is all the more baffling when we consider that a person may be hypnotized and told to perform some simple action after a certain interval, and then woke up from the hypnotic state. The person may then perform such a post-hypnotic suggestion after the interval passed.  So it is as if there is no memory of the post-hypnotic suggestion in conscious memory, but there is memory of the post-hypnotic suggestion in some subconscious memory, that then affects conscious actions after a certain interval passes.

We get a rather different account than the quote above in the 1993 paper "Hypnosis, memory and amnesia" by a psychologist John H. Kihlstrom.  He states this:

"On termination of hypnosis, some subjects find themselves unable to remember the events and experiences that transpired  while they were hypnotized...This posthypnotic amnesia does not occur unless it has been specifically suggested to the subject, and the memories are not restored when hypnosis is reinduced...However, it is temporary; on administration of a pre-arranged cue, the amnesia is reversed and the former amnesic patient is able to remember the events perfectly well."

The term "posthypnotic amnesia" is used for when someone has a conversation under hypnosis, but cannot remember after the hypnotic session ends what happened in the session. The paper here claims that only 18 out of 243 subjects had such a forgetting.  The paper here says that 691 subjects were hypnotized, and that "A total of 31% of the subjects passed the standardized criterion for posthypnotic amnesia." Page 228 of the paper here suggests that people awoken from hypnosis may report having no memory of training on some task they trained on, but may perform better when tested on such a task, as if they actually retained some task learning.  Some studies suggest that posthypnotic amnesia occurs more strongly for subjects that are classified as "highly hypnotizable." 

Harvard psychologist John H. Kihlstrom seems to have published more papers on the topic of post-hypnotic amnesia than any other researcher. It is often hard to read his presentation of his research findings (scientists love to present data in hard-to-read ways). But his 1980 paper "Posthypnotic amnesia for recently learned material: Interactions with 'episodic' and 'semantic' memory" gives some graphs that very clearly show a dramatic effect of post-hypnotic amnesia occurring within a subset of subjects that had been classified as "highly hypnotizable."  In Experiment 1, 40 subjects were put under hypnosis and taught a list of words to memorize, along with the instruction that they should not remember the words after awaking from hypnosis, until  a cue was given.  The ten subjects that had been classified as "highly hypnotizable" remembered an average of fewer than one of the words, but remembered an average of 14 of the words once the cue ("now you can remember everything") had been spoken (as shown in Figure 1 of the paper, on page 237).  

In Experiment 2 there were 12 subjects (none who had participated in Experiment 1) who had been classified as hard-to-hypnotize, and 12 who had been classified as "highly hypnotizable." The subjects were put under hypnosis and taught a list of words to memorize, along with the instruction that they should not remember the words after awaking from hypnosis, until  a cue was given.  The 12 subjects that had been classified as "highly hypnotizable" remembered an average of  one or two of the words, but remembered an average of 16 of the words once the cue ("now you can remember everything") had been spoken (as shown in Figure 2 of the paper, on page 243). 

This result was replicated in Kihlstrom's 2021 paper "Recognition in Posthypnotic Amnesia, Revisited."  In Experiment 1, 16 subjects who had been classified as "highly hypnotizable" were put under hypnosis, and asked to memorize a word list,  along with the instruction that they should not remember the words after awaking from hypnosis, until  a cue was given.  Upon awaking from hypnosis, the subjects could recall only about 3% of the words on the word list, compared to non-hypnotized controls who could recall all of the items on the word list. After the "you can now remember everything" cue was given, the hypnotized subjects could recall all of the words (Table 1).  

In Experiment 2, a larger group of 24 subjects was used, also subjects who had been classified as "highly hypnotizable," but none of whom had participated in Experiment 1. The results were almost the same as in Experiment 1. In Experiment 2, the hypnotized subjects could only recall about 8% of the words on the word list. But after the "you can now remember everything" cue had been given, the subjects were able to recall more than 90% of the words (Table 3).  

In Experiment 3, a new group of 24 subjects was gathered, all of whom had been classified as "highly hypnotizable," and none of whom had participated in the previous two experiments.  The 24 subjects were put under hypnosis, and asked to memorize a word list,  along with the instruction that they should not remember the words after awaking from hypnosis, until  a cue was given.  Upon awaking from hypnosis, the subjects could recall only about 1% of the words on the word list, compared to non-hypnotized controls who could recall all of the items on the word list. After the "you can now remember everything" cue was given, the hypnotized subjects could recall  99% of the words (Table 6).

It seems clear from the results above that the phenomenon of post-hypnotic amnesia has been well-established by modern experiments by a Harvard researcher. 

The 1833 work "Inquiries concerning the intellectual powers and the investigation of truth" by John Ambercombie MD contains a remarkable account of someone failing to remember what happened in a trance-like state upon waking, but remembering such events when again entering a trance-like state. We read this:

"Another very singular phenomenon, presented by some instances of this affection, is what has been called, rather incorrectly, a state of double consciousness. It consists in the individual recollecting, during a paroxysm, circumstances which occurred in a former attack, though there was no remembrance of them during the interval. This, as well as various other phenomena connected with the affection, is strikingly illustrated in a case described by Dr. Dyce of Aberdeen, in the Edinburgh Philosophical Transactions. The patient was a servant-girl, and the affection began with fits of somnolency, which came upon her suddenly during the day, and from which she could, at first, be roused by shaking, or by being taken out into the open air....The remarkable circumstance was now discovered that during the paroxysm she had a distinct recollection of what took place in former paroxysms, though she had no remembrance of it during the intervals. At one time she was taken to church while under the attack, and there behaved with propriety, evidently attending to the preacher ; and she was at one time so much affected as to shed tears. In the interval she had no recollection of having been at church ; but in the next paroxysm she gave a most distinct account of the sermon, and mentioned particularly the part of it by which she had been so much affected." 

Phenomenon #2: an insensitivity to pain during a hypnotic trance. 

It was documented by many nineteenth century writers that under hypnosis a person could lose all sensitivity to pain. For example, in a 19th-century work, we read of a woman in 1829 who had her breast removed to treat cancer. The woman had no anaesthesia, but was merely hypnotized. The account says the woman "did not betray the least symptoms of pain...she talked tranquilly, during the whole time." Pages 65-67 of the same work describes another similar case of a younger hypnotized woman in 1854 who showed no signs of pain as her breast was surgically removed, as she smiled through the surgery. 

Using the word "somnambulists" to refer to those hypnotized, an 1831 report by a committee of French medical authorities, under the auspices of the Royal Academy of Medicine, stated the following:

"The greater number of the somnambulists whom we have seen, were completely insensible. We might tickle their feet, their nostrils, and the angle of the eyes, with a feather—we might pinch their skin, so as to leave a mark, prick them with pins under the nails, &c. without producing any pain, without even their perceiving it. Finally, we saw one who was insensible to one of the most painful operations in surgery, and who did not manifest the slightest emotion in her countenance, her pulse, or her respiration."

The author of one work tells us of his personal observations on this topic, using "mesmeric" to mean "hypnotic":

"In the first experiment I ever tried to assure myself of the reality of mesmeric anathsesia, a young woman was put to sleep and eight bad teeth were extracted from her ulcerated gums without her having any consciousness of it. But her inner consciousness being at the same time aroused, she was able to tell me the time by a clock in a house eight miles away, as I verified the next day by comparison with my watch."

The report above combines two inexplicable aspects of a hypnotic trance, an insensitivity to pain, and also clairvoyance during a hypnotized state, which is abundantly attested to in other reports discussed here and here and here

On pages 27-28 of a book by Dr. James Esdaile he lists a host of dramatic painless surgeries he performed without using anesthesia, but only hypnosis on patients. The list includes about 20 amputations, and 200 removals of scrotal tumors ranging from 10 pounds in weight to more than 100 pounds in weight. Another book on this topic by Esdaile can be read here

In the following quote from a nineteenth century work, we learn of a great irony: that physicians took up a chemical method of anesthesia, one which would often kill people, rather than using hypnotic methods of anesthesia that were proving very safe and effective:

"In Dr. Brown Sequard's lectures upon 'Nervous Force,' delivered in Boston in 1874, he speaks of this form of anaesthesia as follows : 

'As regards the power of producing anaesthesia, it seems to me unfortunate that the discovery of ether was made just when it was. It was, as you well know, in 1846 or 1847 that the use of ether as an anaesthetic was begun. It started from this city (Boston). At that time in England, Dr. Forbes was trying to show from facts observed in England, and especially in India, from the practice of Dr. Esdaile, that something which was called Mesmerism, but which, after all, was nothing but a peculiar state of somnambulism induced in patients, gave to them the idea that they were deprived of feeling ; so that they were in reality under the influence of their imagination, and operations were performed that were quite painless. I say that it was a pity that ether was introduced just then, as it prevented the progress of our knowledge as to this method of producing anaesthesia. My friend Dr. Broca took it up in 1857-8 and pushed it very far; and for a time it was the fashion in Paris to have amputations performed after having been anaesthetized by the influence of Braidism or Hypnotism. A great many operations were performed in that way that were quite painless. But it was a process that was long and tedious, and surgeons were in a hurry and gave it up. I regret it very much, as there has never been a case of death from that method of producing anesthesia, while you well know that a great many cases of death have been produced by other methods.' "

A modern paper reports a similar result: hypnosis producing dramatic reduction in headache pains. We read this:

"Symptoms of headache and vertigo were treated using direct hypnotic suggestions of symptom relief in 155 consecutive skull injured patients. Posttraumatic headache and vertigo were completely relieved after an average observation period of 1 year 10 months in 50% and 58% of the patients, and partially relieved in 20% and 16% respectively."

The difference here is that this pain reduction comes after the patient leaves the hypnotized state.  On page 292 of the book Human Possibilities: Mind Exploration in the USSR and Eastern Europe by Stanley Krippner,, we read about an experiment by J. A. Stern and his associates. Twenty people were inflicted with pain.  Pain-relief techniques were tested on each of them, including hypnosis, acupuncture, aspirin and a placebo, and injections of morphine,  We read that "hypnosis proved to be the most effective pain-reduction agent followed by morphine and acupuncture," and that the other methods were not effective. 

A 2013 medical paper tell us this:

"Sampimon and Woodruff began using hypnosis near the end of World War II, due to a lack of sufficient anesthetics while in a hospital for prisoners of war...Using this method, the authors successfully extracted teeth, often more than one: 'On being awakened, almost every patient expressed surprise at finding himself in the operating theatre and refused to believe that a tooth had been removed until he located the gap with his tongue.'  Their other cases involved hand surgery, including a 40-year old man with supporative tenosynovitis who 'tolerated a 20-minute finger dissection with a tourniquet in place. He remained in a deep sleep.' "

Phenomenon #3: an insensitivity to sound during a hypnotic trance. 

It was documented by many nineteenth century writers that under hypnosis a person could lose all sensitivity to sound.  A nineteenth century work says this about hypnotized patients, using the word "magnetizer" for a hypnotist and "somnambule"  for the hypnotized person:

"Sensitiveness is entirely abolished. The patient hears only the voice of the magnetizer and that of the person whom the latter places en rapport with him. His deafness is absolute for all noises that occur, of whatsoever intensity. In an experiment made at Paris, a sceptic fired a pistol near the ear of a somnambule. The latter heard nothing. The insensibility is not less complete in other parts of the body. We may bury needles in the flesh without the patient feeling the least pain. He suffers only when he awakes. The most painful surgical operations have been performed on magnetized subjects, and they had only learned what had happened after they had come out of their sleep."

Phenomenon #4: clairvoyance and ESP during a hypnotic trance. 

It was documented by many nineteenth century writers and authorities that under hypnosis a person could show paranormal powers of clairvoyance or telepathy.  In the long posts here and here and here  and here I discuss some of the abundant observational evidence for such a thing.  I may note that the reality of clairvoyance under hypnosis was firmly declared by a high-prestige French academic committee, a six-year investigation of the Royal Academy of Medicine that issued its report in 1831. 

During the nineteenth century hypnotized people were often asked to engage in a kind of thought sharing or "mind meld" with another person, a state that was called being en rapport with that person. A nineteenth century work on hypnotism gives this summary, using the word "sleeper" for a hypnotized person: 

"Thought reading presents itself in every possible variety of form. The sleeper, being placed en rapport with any person, can often describe, with the greatest accuracy, the subject that occupies the thoughts of that person. It may be an absent friend, or his own house, or that of another, or his drawing-room, bed-room, study, &c. &c. All these things the sleeper perceives, as they pass through the mind of the experimenter, and describes with great minuteness and accuracy, so as to excite our astonishment. Or he goes further ; he not only perceives the present, but the past thoughts of the person en rapport with him ; he shares his memory. Thus he will mention facts, no longer so existing, but remembered by the experimenter. Nay, he goes still further even than this ; for he perceives things once known to, and now forgotten by, the experimenter, who very often contradicts the sleeper, and persists in maintaining his own opinion, until, on further enquiry, he not only finds him to be right, but himself is enabled to recall the fact, which had, as we say, escaped his memory."

Many specific case examples of such a thing can be found in the three posts mentioned above (the posts here and here  and here).  A nineteenth century work Letters to a Candid Inquirer, on Animal Magnetism by William Gregory gives some very specific numerical details relating to clairvoyance in hypnotic trances (referred to below as "mesmeric sleep"):

"Major Buckley has thus produced conscious clairvoyance in 89 persons, of whom 44 have been able to read mottoes contained in nut-shells, purchased by other parties for the experiment. The longest motto thus read, contained 98 words. Many subjects will read motto after motto without one mistake. In this way, the mottoes contained in 4860 nut-shells have been read, some of them, indeed, by persons in the mesmeric sleep, but most of them by persons in the conscious state, many of whom have never been put to sleep. In boxes, upwards of 86,000 words have been read; 'in one paper, 371 words. Including those who have read words contained in boxes when in the sleep, 148 persons have thus read. It is to be observed that, in a few cases, the words may have been read by thought-reading, as the persons who put them in the boxes were present; but in most cases, no one who knew the words has been present, and they must therefore have been read by direct clairvoyance. Every precaution has been taken. The nuts, inclosing mottoes, for example, have been purchased of 40 different confectioners, and have been sealed up until read. It may be added, that of the 44 persons who have read mottoes in nuts by waking or conscious clairvoyance, 42 belong to the higher class of society; and the experiments have been made in the presence of many other persons. These experiments appear to me admirably contrived, and I can per- ceive no reason whatever to doubt the entire accuracy of the facts."

Later in the same work we read many detailed descriptions of clairvoyance under hypnosis, one of which is the account below (which uses the "magnetic sleep" to refer to a hypnotic trance):

 "E., in the magnetic sleep, as I saw more than once, could see perfectly what passed behind her, 
her eyes being closed ; or any thing placed in such a position, that, had her eyes been open, she could not have seen it ; she could also see very often all that passed outside of the door, and when I was there, told us how many of the servants of the hotel were listening at the door, in hopes of 
hearing wonders ; she would also often tell what was doing in the room above or below her. In short, she frequently exhibited direct clairvoyance in every form, not only in those just mentioned, but also in that of seeing prints or pictures shut up in boxes. Besides seeing various instances 
of direct clairvoyance, I was able to satisfy myself that Dr. Haddock's experiments were made with the greatest care and judgment ; that he was particularly well acquainted with the various causes of error and confusion, very careful to avoid these, and that in short his accounts of such experiments as I had not seen were entirely trustworthy."

On page 334 in the same work, we read this account of clairvoyance under hypnotism:

"We requested her to visit the house of Mrs. P., one of the ladies present. This house was in 
Greenock, distant from my cottage about a mile and a quarter. She saw her servant in the kitchen, but said that another woman was with her. On being pressed to look earnestly at the woman, she said it was C_____ M______. This, Mrs. P. declared to be true. We then asked her to see if any person was in Mrs. P.'s parlor, when she said that Miss Laing was there, a young lady from Edinburgh, who 
was boarding with Mrs. P. at the time ; that she was sitting on the sofa ; that she was crying, and that a letter was in her hand. On the party breaking up, I walked into Greenock with the ladies and gentlemen, in order to see if she was right about Miss L. It was true. Miss L. had received a letter by that evening's post from her father in Edinburgh, stating that her mother was not expected to live, and requesting her to come home by the first train in the morning." 

Although living mind researchers have usually displayed an appalling failure to research the topic of clairvoyance under hypnosis that was so well-documented in the nineteenth century, we occasionally get evidence of it even in recent years. A 2020 paper found that hypnosis increased success in remote viewing efforts, remote viewing being essentially a synonym for clairvoyance. Using RV for a non-hypotic "remote viewing" attempts, and OB-RV for a hypnotically aided "remote viewing" attempts, in which subjects were encouraged to mentally travel out of their bodies,  the paper states the following:

"The purpose of this study was to compare the ability to identify and describe physical targets, from a distance, in the RV and OB-RV states of consciousness.The results clearly demonstrate that in both conditions, the amount of correct information is clearly greater than wrong information, with a difference of around 20%. The only difference in performance between the two is in the number of correct information, which is slightly greater in the OB-RV condition."

The author Joseph Haddock reported that after hypnotizing a subject, the subject would respond to any pain inflicted on Joseph, just as if the hypnotized person had felt the pain: "I have got individuals to tread on my toes, pull my hair, or pinch different parts of the body ; and I invariably found that, with this subject, not many seconds would elapse before she would complain of exactly similar treatment, and refer the pain to the exact corresponding part; and sometimes I have experienced considerable difficulty in dispelling the illusion." 

An effect totally inexplicable under materialist assumptions is what is called "community of sensations" under hypnosis. It has been very frequently reported that a hypnotized person may instantly feel sensations felt by the person who hypnotized him. A set of experiments on this effect is reported in the "First Report of the Committee on Mesmerism" pages 225-229 of Volume 1 of the Proceedings of the Society for Psychical Research (April, 1883), a committee including the illustrious names of Frederic Myers,  Edmund Gurney, Frank Podmore, George Wyld M.D. and the eventually knighted physicist W.F. Barrett.  We read this on page 226: "Thus out of a total of 24 experiments in transference of pains, the exact spot.was correctly indicated by the subject no less than 20 times."  These were experiments in which the hypnotized subject was asked whether he felt anything, after the hypnotizer had been given some type of pain or sensation while in another room where the hypnotized person could not see him.  Similar results were obtained by Dr. Edmund Gurney and reported in his paper "An Account of Some Experiments in Mesmerism," published on page 201 of Volume II of the Proceedings of the Society for Psychical Research ( June 1884). As reported on page 205, a hypnotized subject identified with high accuracy many tactile and taste sensations occurring in a hypnotizer sitting behind him. 

In his book Animal Magnetism, or Mesmerism and Its Phenomena, Professor William Gregory of Edinburgh University describes extraordinary ESP occurring between some hypnotized people (called "sleepers") and their hypnotists (called "mesmerists") or non-hypnotized people brought into a kind of state of mental communion with the hypnotized person (called a state of being en rapport):

"The sleeper acquires the power of perceiving every sensation, bodily and mental, of his mesmerist. Nay, he often exhibits a like power in reference to all with whom he is placed en rapport, especially when this is done by contact. These sensations are so vividly felt by the sleeper, that he cannot distinguish them from the same sensations produced by direct external impressions on his own frame. Indeed, there appears to be no difference whatever between- the two. He feels what is felt by the person en rapport with him, as truly as if the original impressions were made upon himself....There is Community of Taste. If the operator, or any person, en rapport with the subject, takes any kind of food or drink into his mouth, the sleeper, in many cases, instantly begins going through the pantomime of eating or drinking ; and, if asked, he declares he is eating bread, or an orange, or sweetmeats, or drinking water, wine, milk, beer, syrup, or lemonade, or infusion of wormwood, or brandy, or whisky, according as the operator takes each of them, or any other substance. When the thing taken is bitter or disagreeable, the countenance of the sleeper at once indicates this, while his eyes, as usual, are closed, and the mesmerist or friend may stand behind him, so that he cannot see what is taken....The same thing occurs with regard to Smell. If the person en rapport with the sleeper, smell a rose, the latter at once begins to inhale the delightful perfume. If he smell assafoetida, the sleeper expresses disgust ; and if he place strong hartshorn under his own nostrils, the sleeper starts back, complaining of its pungency. The Community of Smelling is just as perfect as that of taste.....There is Community of Touch. Whatever touches the person en rapport , is felt by the sleeper, in precisely the same part. If the former shake hands with any one, the latter instantly grasps a visionary hand. If a pin be driven into the back of the mesmerist’s hand, the sleeper hastily withdraws his hand, rubs the part, and complains loudly of the injury. This may be tried in all forms with perfect success in very many subjects."

In a discussion of twentieth century research we read this

"Summarizing the results of recent ESP research using hypnosis, Honorton points out that, out of 42 series of trials, slightly over half have provided positive results, as against a chance expectation of five per cent. 'I believe the conclusion is now inescapable that hypnotic induction procedure enhance psi receptivity.' "

Beginning on page 223 of the book Facts in mesmerism or animal magnetism : with reasons for a dispassionate inquiry into it by Chauncy-Hare Townsend, we have many pages of the author describing clairvoyance in a hypnotized subject Anna M.  We hear report after report of Anna identifying things with closed eyes, seemingly as if she had vision rising from her forehead rather than her eyes. On page 231 the same author states this about  another subject he studied under hypnosis: "His eyes being always firmly shut, (as far as the strictest observation could determine,) he was able to read any number of words in the minutest type with perfect ease, and to discern small or large objects, near or distant, with the same felicity of vision which is possessed by a waking person."  We read this:

""This power of perception, analogous to sight, seemed to reside principally in his forehead. Whatever objects he took up to examine he immediately carried there."

Later in the same book we have an account of very careful tests showing clairvoyance in a hypnotized subject:

"1st.  I  laid  the  patient  on  a  sofa,  in  bright  day- 
light, with  his  face  turned  towards  the  window,  and 
made  him  lean  his  head  back  until  I  could  see  com- 
pletely under  his  eyes.  When  he  was  so  placed,  I 
could  have  detected  the  slightest  gleam  of  the  eye 
through  the  smallest  opening  of  the  lids.  I  have 
then  given  him  a  book,  from  which  he  has  read  with 
ease,  (holding  it  nearly  parallel  to  his  forehead,) 
while  all  the  time  I  fixed  my  eyes  earnestly  on  his, 
and  yet  could  perceive  not  the  slightest  tendency  in 
them  to  unclose. 

2dly.  I  laid  the  palms  of  my  hands,  the  fingers 
pointing  upwards,  on  the  eyes  of  various  persons,  in 
such  a  manner  as  that  the  projecting  parts  of  each 
hand  should  exactly  fit  into  the  concavities  about  the 
eyes.  These  persons  assured  me  that,  with  their 
eyes  so  covered,  they  could  see  nothing  whatever.  I 
have  given  them  cards  or  books  in  their  hands,  but 
by  no  efforts  on  their  parts  could  they  distinguish 
these  objects.  I  have  repeated  the  same  experiment 
again  and  again  upon  E.  A.,  in  a  state  of  [hypnotized] sleepwalking,
 and  never  found  that  the  palms  of  my  hands  in 
any  way  impeded  his  vision.  He  could  see  cards,  or 
read  in  books,  under  the  above  circumstances,  with 
perfect  ease.  I  never  felt  any  motion  beneath  my 
hand,  as  if  the  patient  were  trying  to  open  his  eyes  ; 
nor  did  he  evince  the  slightest  inclination  to  draw 
his  head  back  from  the  pressure  of  my  hands.

3dly.  Standing  behind  the  patient,  I  have  laid  my 
closed  fingers  over  his  eyes  horizontally,  or  I  have 
forcibly  pressed  down  his  lids  with  one  finger  of  each 
hand.  This,  which,  when  tried  on  others,  effectually 
impeded  their  sight,  made  no  alteration  in  the  visual 
perceptions  of the  [hypnotized] sleepwalker.

4thly.  Having  filled  a  couple  of  china  eye-glasses 
with  wadding,   I,  or  some  other  person,  held  them 
firmly  to  the  patient's  closed  eyes  when  in  sleepwalking.
 This  also  made  no  difference  in  his  visual 
perceptions....

5thly.  I  have  tried  various  methods  of  bandaging 
the  patient's  eyes.  I  have  tied  a  broad  and  thick 
silk  handkerchief  over  them,  and  then  I  have  held 
down  with  my  fingers,  or  the  palms  of  my  hands, 
the  whole  of  the  bottom  part  of  the  bandage.  This 
method  seems  to  me  as  perfect  as  any.  It  did  not  at 
all  impede  the  sleepwalker's  vision.  In  addition  to 
this,  (the  same  result  always  ensuing,)  I  have  laid 
strips  of  wadding  over  the  eyes  before  applying  the 
handkerchief,  and  I  have  firmly  secured  every  possible
 interstice  between  it  and  the  cheek  with  cotton. 
In  the  presence  of  Dr.  Foissac,  strips  of  diachylum 
were  added  to  all  the  above  apparatus,  in  order  to 
fasten  down  the  edges  of  the  handkerchief  to  the 
cheek  ;  but  the  sleepwalker  saw  as  well  as  ever.  On 
several  occasions  I  bandaged  his  eyes,  adding  the 
cotton  and  the  wadding  before  beginning  to  mesmerise [hypnotize] him,
 when  he  has  assured  me  that  he  could  not 
distinguish  day  from  night.  Then,  having  passed 
into  sleepwalking,  he  has  immediately  given  proofs  of 
perfect  vision  —  quite  as  perfect,  indeed,  as  that  enjoyed
by  persons  whose  eyes  are  open  and  unbound.

6thly.  I  threw  over  the  patient's  head  two  thick 
and  large  towels,  which  covered  him  in  front  down 
to  the  hips.  Through  these  he  has  read,  holding  the 
book  at  an  angle  with  his  forehead,  and  has  distin- 
guished cards  with  perfect  accuracy.  This  kind  of 
experiment  was  occasionally  varied.  Sometimes  the 
sleepwaker  has  been  bandaged,  and,  in  addition  to 
this,  a  towel  has  been  thrown  over  his  head  ;  but  the 
result  was  equally  satisfactory."

Can we imagine a more stringent series of tests? And the subject kept 
demonstrating clairvoyance, despite each and every thing impeding normal vision. 

In his book Animal Magnetism, or Mesmerism and Its Phenomena, Professor William Gregory of Edinburgh University describes something even more remarkable than thought-reading or telepathy: an ability of a hypnotized person to access the memories of another person. He states this:

"Or he goes further ; he not only perceives the present, but the past thoughts of the person en rapport with him ; he shares his memory. Thus he will mention facts, no longer so existing, but remembered by the experimenter.

Nay, he goes still further even than this ; for he perceives things once known to, and now forgotten by, the experimenter, who very often contradicts the sleeper, and persists in maintaining his own opinion, until, on further inquiry, he not only finds him to be right, but himself is enabled to recall the fact, which had, as we say, escaped his memory.

We all know that we are apt, at times, to forget facts, which subsequently recur to the memory. But here, it would seem that the sleeper so sympathises with our past thoughts, as to read what we ourselves are for the moment blind to."

Phenomenon #5: extreme suggestibility.

An astonishing aspect of hypnotism is that hypnotized people will seem to act or believe in various ridiculous ways, if the person hypnotizing them has suggested the action or belief. A nineteenth century work describes this aspect of hypnotism, describing some hypnotized subjects:

"When they drank water, and were told that it was milk, coffee, rum, whisky, or wormwood, they tasted it as such. Nay, after drinking it as whisky, they were told that they were drunk, and in a minute or two became, in every particular, very drunk indeed. The expression of the face was perfectly that of intoxication, and they could not walk a step without staggering or falling. They were easily made, by suggestion, to fancy themselves any other persons, and acted in character. They shot, fished, swam, lectured, and exhibited every feeling suggested to them. They were as easily made to suppose a stick to be a gun, a rod, a sword, nay, a serpent ; or a chair to be a tiger or a bear. From these animals they fled with extreme terror. They were made to see, hear, and feel a dreadful storm, and to creep for shelter under a table or a chair, supposed by them to be a house. From this, they were soon expelled 
by the serpent, or by the flood rising, when they swam lustily for their lives. This was the first time that either of them had been tried ; and the control exercised by Mr. Lewis over their sensations, erceptions, and emotions was perfect, although their consciousness was entire. They knew the suggested impressions to be false, but could not resist them. It was most interesting to watch closely their countenances, when an object, for example, a handkerchief, was placed in the hand, and, after they felt quite sure of what it was, they were told it was a rat, &c. The gradual change to doubt, from doubt to certainty, and from that to disgust or anger, was inimitable, and conveyed at once, to those near enough to see it, complete conviction of their sincerity."

There follows in the book a description of quite a few cases of similar levels of suggestibility under hypnosis. Similarly, on page 85 of the September 22, 1876 edition of The Spiritualist, scientist William Barrett tells us this:

"Selecting some of the village children and placing’ them in a quiet room, giving each some small object to look at steadily, it was found that one amongst the number readily passed into a state of reverie, resembling that dreamy condition between sleeping and waking. In this state the subject could readily be made to believe the most extravagant statements, such as that the table was a mountain, a chair a pony, a mark on the floor an insuperable obstacle."

On page 87 of the same document Barrett tells us this:

"I selected in the manner already described, a young lad, who in the course of five  minutes was hypnotised, as Mr. Braid would say. The lad  now readily believed any assertion I made, with evident  relish going through the farce of eating and drinking because I suggested the act, though the only materials I gave him were  a book and an empty vase."

Phenomenon #6: post-hypnotic suggestions. 

An astonishing aspect of hypnotism is that people in a hypnotic trance who have promised to do something or been instructed to do something will often do just such a thing, even if they have no memory of promising such a thing or being told to do such a thing when they were hypnotized.  A nineteenth century work describes this tendency, using the word "sleeper" for a hypnotized person:

"This leads me to another very curious phenomenon, namely, that the sleeper, if commanded, in the sleep, to do a certain thing, after waking, and at a certain hour, will do so, and however absurd or ridiculous the act, he cannot, in many cases, refrain from doing it, if he has promised it in 
the sleep."

Post-hypnotic suggestion was the centerpiece of one of the funniest episodes of the original Dick Van Dyke Show.  The experiments discussed above by Harvard psychologist John H. Kihlstrom (done in recent decades) show post-hypnotic suggestions are a well-established empirical reality, at least in regard to their ability to end a state of very limited forgetfulness commanded by a hypnotist telling subjects to temporarily forget something they learned under hypnosis.   

Phenomenon #7: transposition of senses.

Another astonishing aspect of hypnotism is that people in a hypnotic trance sometimes reportedly have a kind of displacement of one or more of the senses.  For example, they may be able to see only things presented to some part of their body other than their eyes. A nineteenth century work describes this on page 148:

"I have not hitherto noticed, save in passing, a phenomenon which occasionally presents itself, but which is not by any means uniformly present in a marked form; I mean, transference of the senses to some special part of the body.... But it sometimes happens, that the power of seeing, not 
the ordinary sense of sight, but the clairvoyant power, is located in some special part. It has been observed to be located in the pit of the stomach, in the tips of the fingers, in the occiput as well as in the forehead, or on the top of the head, and in one case which I heard of from a scientific gentleman who tested it, in the soles of the feet. The books and journals which treat of Animal Magnetism teem with similar facts; and the head, hand, and epigastrium, seem to be the usually selected parts, probably from the proximity to the brain in the first, the great development of the nerves of touch in the second, and the presence of the great sympathetic plexus of nerves in the third. The fact itself is beyond all doubt, and it is quite unnecessary to accumulate cases. In one form or other, the power of dispensing with the eyes, and yet perceiving color, &c. quite plainly, is found in every good subject. The same thing frequently happens with hearing. Thus E.  when on her travelling state or stage, is utterly deaf to 
all sounds, save those which are addressed to her by speaking with the mouth in contact with the tips of her fingers. This fact I have myself verified. I believe she would not hear a pistol fired at her ear, in that state."

Phenomenon #8: astonishing time-keeping or time calculation abilities.

In the long Chapter 1 of  the 1922 book "Medical Psychology and Psychical Research" by T. W. Mitchell there is a long discussion of astonishing time-keeping abilities of hypnotized subjects. Mitchell performed many experiments in which a subject under hypnosis was told to perform a simple task (to draw a cross on a piece of paper) after a particular interval of time expired.  The subject would be brought out of the hypnotic state long before the interval expired.  

On page 12 Mitchell mentions an example of time-keeping seeming to occur with such post-hypnotic suggestions, starting with a January 3 post-hypnotic suggestion:

"On January 3rd, 1907, I made a similar suggestion to be fulfilled on 'the I45th day from this.'  On January 16th I asked her in hypnosis if she remembered what I told her on January 3rd. She said she did. ' How many days are gone ?'  '13.' ' How many to come ?'  ' 132.'  ' When does it fall due ?' 'May 28th.' All the answers are correct, and were given without any hesitation. On being asked the same questions on January 29th, she said that 26 days had passed, and 119 still to come (right)."

On page 18 we read this:

"Here is an example of Delboeuf's experiments. At 6.55 a.m. he suggested to his subject M. that at the 
expiration of 1,500 minutes she was to ask Madame Delboeuf if she required anything. This suggestion was carried out with absolute accuracy. Delboeuf made twelve experiments of this kind, the time-intervals suggested varying from 350 to 3,300 minutes. Two of these were fulfilled at the moment they fell due. In three the impulse to fulfil the suggested act arose at the right time."

What we see here is a time-tracking ability (in post-hypnotic suggestions) greater than any ability humans in normal consciousness. If you asked a person in normal consciousness to do something (such as jumping in the air) after the expiration of 1500 minutes, he would be most unlikely to do the requested thing at the exact time (without the use of something like an alarm clock). 

On page 15 we have this example obtained by a Dr. Bramwell (whose book on the topic you can read here):

"On Tuesday, December 24th, 1895, at 3.10 p.m., Miss D. was told, during hypnosis, that she was to make a cross on a piece of paper in 7,200 minutes (Exp. No. 7).  This fell due to be fulfilled on Sunday, December 29th.  When it was fulfilled Miss D. was teaching a Sunday School class, when she suddenly felt an impulse to make a cross and mark the time. It was only after doing so that she looked at the clock, which was behind her. Her estimation of the time was correct."

The next page tells us that 45 similar experiments with Miss D. produced similar results: "Forty-five were completely successful, i.e. not only did Miss D. write down the correct terminal time, but this was done, also, at the moment the experiment fell due." On the same page Mitchell tell us, "I have made a series of observations which corroborate in many ways the results obtained by Dr. Bramwell."

On page 19 Mitchell gives us exact results from experiments in post-hypnotic suggestion he did with a subject F.D. The astonishingly accurate results are shown below. For example, in the first experiment, the subject F. D. was told under hypnosis to do some specific thing (such as draw a cross) 700 minutes into the future, and the subject did that exactly that thing 700 minutes later. 

post-hypnotic suggestions

Page 15 of the long document here cites a case of a post-hypnotic suggestion with a remarkable "time keeping" ability involving a post-hypnotic suggestion given to someone put under hypnosis:

"I instructed S that he would come back and see me after thirteen days at ten in the morning. Awake, he remembered nothing. On the thirteenth day, at ten in the morning, he was present [...] He told me that he had not had this idea during the preceding days. He did not know that he was supposed to come. The idea presented itself to his mind only at the moment at which he was required to execute."

The leading researcher Paul Janet explained why a case like this is so inexplicable:

"These facts are extraordinary and almost incomprehensible.  It is not a reason to reject them; but it is interesting, from a psychological perspective, to precisely identify the points wherein the inexplicable lies. 

What surprises me in these facts is not the impregnation and persistence in memory of an image of which we are not conscious...1 would furthermore understand the return of these images and acts at a fixed date, if the operator associated them with the appearance of a vivid sensation; for example, 'the day you see M. so-and-so, you will kiss him,'  the sight of M. so-and-so thus acting as the stimulant that wakens the idea.

But what 1 absolutely do not understand is the awakening on a fixed day without any point of attachment other than the numeration of time: in thirteen days, for example. Thirteen days do not represent a sensation; it is an abstraction. To understand these facts, we must infer an unconscious faculty for measuring time. Now that is an unknown faculty for which we can supply no analogies. Up until now, everything could be explained by the laws of the association of ideas, images and movements; but here we make a sudden leap. No association can explain counting thirteen days without knowing it."


Phenomenon #9: mysterious cures

During the nineteenth century there were very many reports of people being mysteriously cured by hypnotic treatment. To find such reports, you can go to www.archive.org and search for "Mesmerism" and "animal magnetism" (the terms used for hypnosis treatments before the word "hypnosis" overtook them).  Many examples can be found in the book Vital magnetism: its power over disease by Frederick T. Parson.   

A modern scientific paper ("Improving working memory performance in brain-injured patients using hypnotic suggestion") states the following:

"Working memory impairment is prevalent in brain injured patients across lesion aetiologies and severities. Unfortunately, rehabilitation efforts for this impairment have hitherto yielded small or no effects. Here we show in a randomized actively controlled trial that working memory performance can be effectively restored by suggesting to hypnotized patients that they have regained their pre-injury level of working memory functioning." 

The paper testing 49 brain-damaged subjects reports a dramatic improvement in working memory for the subjects.  Group 1 with 27 subjects improved from an average score of 81.74 (well below average) to an average score of 107.44 (well above average).  Group 2 with 22 subjects improved from an average score of 80.36 (well below average) to an average score of 103.95 (substantially above average). 

A psychology paper reports that after a brain-damaged woman was hypnotized and told that she could fix her cognitive problems, she "had major improvements in the cognitive tests," and "her Working Memory Index improved from the 0.17 % percentile to the 10% percentile." 

See here for a wide variety of medical improvements produced by hypnosis.

Phenomenon #10: exaltation of thinking and speaking abilities under hypnosis

It has often been reported that in a hypnotic trance someone might be able to think and speak much better than he could in his normal consciousness. An example of such a thing is given in the book The Mechanism of Man: An Answer to the Question, what Am I? by Edward William Cox. On page 301 we read this:

"But the Trance patient does what the Somnambule does not....He maintains a conversation, answer- ing questions with astonishing ability and in language such as he cannot command in his waking state. Often he will argue with scholastic skill, treating with ease and accuracy subjects of profound thought, far beyond the range of his waking iutelligence. I have heard an uneducated barman, when in a state of Trance, maintain a dialogue with a party of philosophers on 'reason and foreknowledge. Will and fate,'  and hold his own against them. I have put to him the most difficult questions in Psychology and received answers, always thoughtful, often full of wisdom, and invariably conveyed in choice and eloquent language. Nevertheless, in a quarter of an hour afterwards, when wakened from the Trance, he was unable to answer the simplest query on a philosophical subject and was not merely inapt at the language of science he had been lately using so glibly, but at a loss for sufficient language in which to express a common- place idea."

We read the following astonishing account in a scholarly work on hypnotism:

"In the first experiment a subject was ordered to solve under hypnosis a geometrical problem, well above his normal ability. The order was carried out, and in precisely the specified time. In another experiment Feldman read to the subject (under hypnosis) several strophes from the lliad (in Greek hexameter) ; the subject repeated them afterwards without a single mistake in words or metre although not knowing Greek. Then half a page was read from a French book. The subject repeated it without mistake. In a third experiment Feldman gave to his subject a difficult trigonometric problem which the latter tried to solve for several hours without success. Under hypnosis he solved it with remarkable ease, using a different formula, tackling logarithms without hesitation, etc. After waking up he was again unable to solve the same problem (Rebus, 1885, No. 41, PP. 370-371). Feldman observed that along with the increase of such faculties as memory and mathematical ability his subjects experienced peculiar changes of eyesight. Thus, for example, a certain Mr. T., normally near-sighted, in hypnosis would become exceedingly far- sighted." 

A Russian scholar of hypnotism describes stages of hypnotic trances, and we can only wonder what observations led him to make the remarkable claim mentioned at the end of this passage:

"The second [stage], when the sensitivity was partly suspended was magnetic half-sleep. In the third stage, magnetic sleep occurred when all external sensations and all contact with the outside world were stopped. In the fourth stage the magnetized person depended entirely upon his magnetizer who acted as an intermediary, capable of producing in his subject sensations, feelings and actions; this was a somnambulist state. In the fifth stage the patient could see clearly the inner mechanism of his body, the cause of his illness and the means to cure it; this was called clairvoyance. During the sixth stage the subject entered into a superior state, the union with the whole of nature, whereby he became able to understand all phenomena, and was not limited by time and space ; this stage was called secret illumination and the phenomena of ' stepping out of the body' could then occur."

Phenomenon #11: improved memory recall under hypnosis

Although it is widely claimed that memories that could not be retrieved in normal consciousness can sometimes be retrieved under hypnosis, such a claim is debated.  But there is some evidence to support it. We had one example as part of one of the paragraphs I just quoted, from a scholarly work on hypnosis:

" In another experiment Feldman read to the subject (under hypnosis) several strophes from the lliad (in Greek hexameter) ; the subject repeated them afterwards without a single mistake in words or metre although not knowing Greek. Then half a page was read from a French book. The subject repeated it without mistake."

To give another example, on page 16 of the paper "The self-regulation of memory: for better and for worse" by two psychologists, we are told this: "More dramatic findings were obtained by Fromm (1970) in a nisei student who denied any knowledge of Japanese; when [hypnotically] age-regressed, she broke into fluent if childish Japanese." 

In the same paper we read the following on page 16:

"Everyone who has administered... the Stanford Hypnotic Susceptibility Scale Form C, which includes a suggestion for age regression, has observed subjects who appear to relive episodes from childhood that have been forgotten, or not remembered for a long time. Supporting these observations, Young (1926) was able to elicit a substantial number of early recollections, whose accuracy was independently verified, in two hypnotizable subjects. And more recently, Hofling, Heyl, and Wright (1971) compared subjects' recall of personal experiences to actual diary entries made at the time, and found superior memory during hypnosis compared to a nonhypnotic session."

I may note that you do not discredit such reports by referring to experiments in which people are asked to memorize information and then asked to recall such information under hypnosis (tests that may produce no improvement in recall, particularly if the information to be memorized was meaningless information).  The issue is whether there can sometimes occur under hypnosis an ability to recall far better than occurs under normal consciousness.  You do not discredit claims that such a thing sometimes occurs by merely showing that it does not always occur or often does not occur.  It is well-known that effects under hypnosis vary tremendously from one person to another. 

On page 320 of the 1896 publication here, we have these interesting claims about hypnotism (made using the older term of "somnambulism"):

"Pierre Janet, who believes in the essential identity of hypnotic somnambulism and states of double personality not brought about by hypnotic influence, relates some remarkable  instances of complete recovery in somnambulism [hypnotism]  of sensibilities and of memories which seemed to be lost. Lucie and Leome, Marie and Rose regain under hypnotism their lost senses and their memories. ' If,' says Janet, ' somnambulism is a second existence, it is not necessarily a feeble existence without spontaneity» independence, and originality.'  The case of Marguerite D., related at length by Georges Guinon in Charcotis ' Clinique,' is an instance of heightened activity and heightened intelligence during the somnambulic state." 

Phenomenon #12: Simultaneous writing and talking

In the book Hypnotism Today we read this (page 144):

"In automatic writing an individual can consciously converse intelligently on a topic, and at the same time his hand holding a pencil will write automatically and coherently on some entirely unrelated subject, the person having no conscious knowledge of what the hand writes. This is not a rare ability for many are able to do it in the waking state. During hypnosis it can often be invoked in others."

Later in the same book we read this: "Dr. Muhl tells of patients reading a book aloud while carrying on automatic writing with both hands at once, each writing of a different matter - a triangle of mental activity."

Phenomenon #13:  Photographic memory achieved under hypnosis

On page 29 of the nineteenth century book here, we have an interesting account of photographic memory obtained under hypnosis (with it apparently progressing to become photographic memorization that could occur outside of hypnosis). The author makes these claims of photographic memory occurring during "magnetic sleep," and when he uses that term he is using an old term for hypnosis:

"XIII. LESSONS WERE LEARNT BY HEART
BY READING TO MY STUDENTS IN THEIR MAGNETIC SLEEP, ORDERING them to retain in their
memory when they awoke, all they had heard.
XIV. LESSONS were next LEARNT BY HEART, 
BY THE PUPILS READING, THEMSELVES, once
over, in their MAGNETIC SLEEP, one or more
pages of a book. When this began to become
familiar, and the organs of memory showed that
they were in a fit state of rapid obedience, the
action of the organs of outward perception upon
the memory was submitted to the strong developing
power of the soul's direct influence, and
XV. LESSONS were LEARNT BY THE SIMPLE
INSPECTION OF (or staring at), THE OPEN
PAGE OF A BOOK,-THE STUDENTS BEING IN
THEIR NORMAL WAKING STATE. In the beginning, the 
inspection, or staring, was made to
last a certain number of seconds, and that number
being gradually reduced, after a short space of
time, the duration of a single second or a mere
glimpse at the page was sufficient for the pupils
to retain in their memory the whole contents of it."

Phenomena #14: Hypnotic Trances Telepathically Induced by Hypnotists or Researchers

The phenomenon of being able to induce hypnosis in a subject by telepathic action by the hypnotist was reported by Emile Boirac, as discussed in my post hereOn page 104 of the book "Psychic Discoveries Behind the Iron Curtain" by Sheila Ostrander and Lynn Schroeder, we read a chapter discussing many examples of so-called "telepathic knockouts." During such events it would appear that a person was put into a state of deep sleep or unconsciousness solely because of the mental suggestion of some other person.  We read, "The ability to put people to sleep and wake them up telepathically from a distance of a few yards to over a thousand miles became the most thoroughly tested and perfected contribution of the Soviets to international parapsychology." After reading of countless successful experiments of such an effect, we read of such a test being successful at a distance of a thousand miles.  At a scheduled time, one scientist mentally commanded a subject a thousand miles away to fall asleep. We are told, "A thousand miles away Ivanova lost consciousness on schedule as she talked to Dr. Doubrovsky."  Since electromagnetic waves diminish with distance, the test seemed to prove that ESP does not work by some transmission of electromagnetic waves.

On this page we read of something like a telepathic hypnotic induction, reported by a Dr. Ruault. The reference to paraplegia means an inability to use the legs:

"One of these persons felt me, sometimes very forcibly, when I willed it strongly, although I was in the street and he in the mezzanine of the Rue Cujas. One evening when, accompanied by a friend, I left the house of one of these subjects, a medical student, upon whom I had made some experiments in hypnotism, I tried, from the staircase of the lower floor, to suggest to him mentally complete paraplegia; and it seemed to me that my mental suggestion had reached him. I had not in any way thought of attempting the experiment when I was near him ; the idea did not come to me until the very moment I put it into execution. Immediately after my attempt was made, I went up to my somnambulist to see if the suggestion had succeeded. I found him seated in an arm-chair, complaining that his legs were numb and he could not raise them."

On the page here of the same 1876 edition of the French publication Revue philosophique (page 199). we have the account below of a telepathic hypnotic induction. Using an old term for hypnotism (the word somnambulism), the author refers to "remote somnambulism," by which he means putting someone into a hypnotic trance without the person seeing you or hearing you. The author is Charles Richet, a French physiologist who would go on to win the Nobel Prize in medicine and physiology. The references to "put to sleep" are references to putting someone under hypnosis. 

"During the year 1873, while I was then an intern at the Beaujon Hospital, I conducted many experiments with somnambulism. I was only able to observe remote somnambulism in one of the subjects I put to sleep.

She was a young woman of about twenty-five (lying, if I am not mistaken, in bed number 11 of the women's ward) who, at first difficult to fall asleep, ended up, through education, being able to be put to sleep with great ease. At first I put her to sleep by passing [hand gestures]; then, later, by touching her hand, and finally, simply by entering the ward....

One day, while I was having lunch with my colleagues in the on-call room—our colleague Mr. Landouzy, then an intern like me at Beaujon Hospital, was present—I assured them that I could put this patient to sleep from a distance, and that I would bring her to the on-call room where we were, simply by an act of my will.

But after ten minutes, no one came, so the experiment was considered to have failed.

In reality, the experiment had not failed; for, some time later, someone came to inform me that the patient was walking around the corridors asleep [hypnotized], trying to speak to me and not finding me; and, indeed, that was the case, without my being able to obtain any other answer from her to explain her sleep and this wandering, other than that she wanted to speak to me."

On page 201 of the same publication, we have another account of the  telepathic induction of hypnotism. 

The lack of any workable neuroscience theory to explain hypnotic phenomena

It is impossible to explain the more anomalous aspects of hypnotism under the prevailing dogmas that the brain is the cause of human mental phenomena and the storage place of memories.  When neuroscientists attempt to offer an explain for hypnotism, they usually use the trick of mentioning only a small subset of the phenomena that have been observed in hypnotic trances.  

Near the end of his book Hypnotism and Treatment by Suggestion, Bramwell commented on the lack of any good theory to explain what occurs under hypnotic trances.  He stated this:

"So far, no reasonable answer has been given to the question, 'What is the connection between hypnotic methods and the production of so-called hypnotic phenomena ?' Personally, I see no logical connection between the acts of fixed gazing, concentration of attention, suggested ideas of drowsy states, and the varied manifestations of so-called hypnosis."

After disputing some theories trying to explain hypnotism, the author states, "While I have raised objections to all the theories referred to — theories which are discussed much more fully in my larger work -- I have unfortunately, no theory of my own to bring forward in substitution for them."  Bramwell had no theory because he was man of a materialist bent. 

Once we discard materialist ideas about the brain, we may start to put forth some ideas that can begin to explain some of the mysteries of hypnotism.  One idea is that the brain is not the cause of our minds, but mainly a kind of valve that limits our minds. If so, then something fairly simple such as hypnotism might reduce that valve effect.  The result might be an abundance of mental phenomena inexplicable through any neural cause, not phenomena that are produced by the brain, but powers and aspects of a human soul that a normal brain blocked us from previously seeing, through a valve effect rather like how a valve prevents water from flowing. 


academia dysfunction

Tuesday, December 22, 2020

Neuroscience Research Customs Guarantee an Abundance of Junk Science

There is a very great deal of junk science published by neuroscientists, along with much research that is sound.  That so much junk science would appear is not surprising at all, given the research customs that prevail among neuroscientists. 

Let us look at a hypothetical example of the type of junk science that so often appears. Let us imagine a scientist named Jack who wishes to show that a particular protein in the brain (let's call it the XYZ protein) is essential for memory.  We can imagine Jack doing a series of experiments, each one taking one week of his time. 

Jack thinks up a simple design for this experiment. Some mice will be genetically engineered so that they do not have the XYZ protein. Then the mice will be given a memory test. First, the mice will be placed in a cage, with a shock plate between the mouse and the cheese. When the mouse walks over the shock plate to go directly to the cheese, the mouse will be shocked. Later the mouse will be placed in the cage again. It will be recorded whether the mouse takes an indirect path  to get the cheese (as if it remembered the previous shock it got on the shock plate), or whether the mouse just goes directly to the cheese (as if it did not remember the previous shock it got on the shock plate). The visual below shows the experiment:


memory test

Now, let us imagine that on Week 1 Jack does this experiment with 6 mice, and finds no difference between the behavior of the mice that had the XYZ protein, and those who do not. Jack may then write up these results as "Experiment #1," file the results in a folder marked "Experiment #1", and keep testing until he gets the results he is looking for. 

Jack  may then get some results such as the following:

Week 2: Mice without XYZ protein behave like those with it. Results filed as Experiment #2. 
Week 3: Mice without XYZ protein behave like those with it. Results filed as Experiment #3. 
Week 4: Mice without XYZ protein behave like those with it. Results filed as Experiment #4. 
Week 5: Mice without XYZ protein behave like those with it. Results filed as Experiment #5. 
Week 6: Mice without XYZ protein behave like those with it. Results filed as Experiment #6. 
Week 7: Mice without XYZ protein behave like those with it. Results filed as Experiment #7. 
Week 8: Mice without XYZ protein behave like those with it. Results filed as Experiment #8. 
Week 9: Mice without XYZ protein behave like those with it. Results filed as Experiment #9. 
Week 10: Mice without XYZ protein behave like those with it. Results filed as Experiment #10. 
Week 11: Mice without XYZ protein behave like those with it. Results filed as Experiment #11. 
Week 12: Mice without XYZ protein behave like those with it. Results filed as Experiment #12. 
Week 13: Mice without XYZ protein behave like those with it. Results filed as Experiment #13. 
Week 14: Mice without XYZ protein behave like those with it. Results filed as Experiment #14. 
Week 15: Mice without XYZ protein behave like those with it. Results filed as Experiment #15. 
Week 16: Mice without XYZ protein behave like those with it. Results filed as Experiment #16. 

Then finally on Week 17, Jack may get the experimental result he was hoping for. On this week it may be that 5 out of 6 mice with the XYZ protein avoided the shock plate as if they were remembering well, but only 3 out of 6 mice without the XYZ protein avoided the shock plate as if they were remembering well.  Is this evidence that the XYZ protein is needed for memory, or that removing it hurts memory? The result on Week 17 is no such thing.  This is because Jack would expect to get such a result by chance, given his 17 weeks of experimentation. 

We can use a binomial probability calculator (like the one at the Stat Trek site)  to compute the probability of getting by chance 5 (or 6) out of 6 mice avoiding the shock plate, under the assumption that there was always 1 chance in 2 that a mouse would avoid the shock plate. The calculator tells us the chance of this is about 10 percent per experiment:

binomial probability calculation

Since Jack has done this experiment 17 times, and since the chance of getting 5 out of 6 mice avoiding the shock plate by chance is about 10 percent, Jack should expect that at least one of these experiments would give the results he has got, even if the XYZ protein has nothing at all to do with memory.  

But there is nothing in the research customs of neuroscience to prevent Jack from doing something that will give readers a wrong impression.  Instead of doing a paper writing up all 17 weeks of his experimentation, Jack can produce a paper that writes up only week 17 of his research.  The paper can then have a title such as "Memory is weakened when the XYZ protein is removed."   We can imagine research standards that would prevent so misleading a paper, but such standards are not in place.  Discussing only Week 17 of his research, Jack can claim to have reached a "statistically significant" result providing evidence that the XYZ protein plays a role in memory. 

Two other customs aid very much accumulation of junk science:
(1) It is not customary in scientific papers to report the exact dates when data was collected.  This makes it much harder to track down any cases in which an experimenter reports an experimental success during one data-gathering session, and fails to report failures in such experiments during other data gathering sessions. 
(2) It is not customary in scientific papers to report the person who made a particular measurement or produced a particular statistical analysis or a particular graph. So we have no idea of how many hard-to-do-right scientific measurements (using very fancy equipment) were done by scientists-in-training (typically unnamed as paper authors) or by novice scientists who may have committed errors.  And we have no idea of how many hard-to-do-right data analysis graphs were done by scientists-in-training or by novice scientists who may have committed errors.  

Instead of such customs, it is a custom to always vaguely use a passive voice in experimenatal papers. So instead of a paper saying something like, "William Smith measured the XYZ protein levels in the five mice on January 3, 2020," our neuroscience papers are filled with statements such as "XYZ protein levels were measured in five mice" that fail to mention the person doing the measurement or when the measurement was done. 

What kind of research customs would help prevent us from being misled by experimental papers so often? We can imagine some customs:

(1) There might be a custom for every research scientist to keep an online log of his research activities.  Such a log would not only report what the scientist found on each day, but also what the scientist was looking for on any particular day. So whenever a scientist reported some experimental effect observed only on week 27 of a particular year, we could look at his log, and see whether he had unsuccessfully looked for such an effect in experiments on the five preceding weeks.  Daily log reports would be made through some online software that did not allow the editing of reports on days after the report was submitted. 
(2) There might be a custom that whenever a scientist reported some effect in a paper, he would be expected to fully report on each and every relevant experiment he had previously done that failed to find such an effect. So, for example, it would be a customary obligation for a scientist to make reports such as this whenver there were previous failures: "I may note that while this paper reports a statistically significant effect observed in data collected between June 1 and June 7, 2020, the same experimenter tried similar experiments on five previous weeks and did not find statistically significant effects during those weeks."
(3) It would be the custom to always report in a scientific paper the exact date when data was collected, so that the claims in scientific papers could be cross-checked with the online activity logs of research scientists. 
(4) It would be the custom to always report in a scientific paper the exact person who made any measurement, and always report the exact person who made any statistical analysis or produced any graph, so that people could find cases when hard-to-do-right measurement and hard-to-get-right analysis was done by scientists-in-training and novice scientists. 
(5) It would be a custom for studies to pre-register a hypothesis, a research plan and a data analysis plan, before any data was collected, which would help prevent scientists from being free to "slice and dice" data 100 different ways, looking for some "statistically significant" effect in twenty different places, a type of method that has a high chance of producing false alarms. 
(6) It would be a custom for any scientific paper to quote the pre-registration statement that had been published online before any data was collected, so that people could compare such a statement with how the paper collected and analyzed data, and whether the effect reported matched the hypothesis that was supposed to be tested. 
(7) Whenever any type of complex or subtle measurment was done, it would be a custom for a paper to tell us exactly what equipment was used, and exactly where the measurement was made (such as the electron microscope in Room 237 of the Jenkins Building of the Carter Science Center).  This would allow identifications of measurements made through old or "bleeding edge" or poorly performing or unreliable equipment. 
(8) Government funding for experimental neuroscience research would be solely or almost entirely given to pre-registered "guaranteed publication" studies, that would be guaranteed journal publication regardless of whether they produced null results, which would reduce the current "publication bias" effect by which null results are typically excluded from publication. 
(9) Government funding would be denied to experimental neuroscience research that failed to meet standards for minimum study group sizes, greatly reducing all the "way-too-small-sample-size" studies. Journals would either deny publication to such  "way-too-small-sample-size" studies or prominently flag them when they used such way-too-small study groups. 

No such customs exist. Instead we have poor neuroscience research customs that guarantee an abundant yearly supply of shoddy papers. 

Postscript: My discussion above is largely a discussion of what is called a file-drawer effect, in which wrong ideas arise because of a publication bias in which scientists write up only experiments that seem to show signs of an effect, leaving in their file drawers experiments that did not find such an effect. A paper discusses how this file drawer effect can lead to false beliefs among scientists:

"Many of these concerns stem from a troublesome publication bias in which papers that reject the null hypothesis are accepted for publication at a much higher rate than those that do not. Demonstrating this effect, Sterling analyzed 362 papers published in major psychology journals between 1955 and 1956, noting that 97.3% of papers that used NHST rejected the null hypothesis.  The high publication rates for papers that reject the null hypothesis contributes to a file drawer effect in which papers that fail to reject the null go unpublished because they are not written up, written up but not submitted, or submitted and rejected. Publication bias and the file drawer effect combine to propagate the dissemination and maintenance of false knowledge: through the file drawer effect, correct findings of no effect are unpublished and hidden from view; and through publication bias, a single incorrect chance finding (a 1:20 chance at α = .05, if the null hypothesis is true) can be published and become part of a discipline's wrong knowledge."

We can see how this may come into play with neuroscience research. For example, 19 out of 20 experiments may show no evidence of any increased brain activity during some act such as recall, thinking or recognition. Because of the file drawer effect and publication bias, we may learn only of the one study out of twenty that seemed to show such an effect, because of some weak correlation we would expect to get by chance in one out  of twenty studies. 

A web site describing the reproducibiity crisis in science mentions a person who was told of a neuroscience lab  "where the standard operating mode was to run a permutation analysis by iteratively excluding data points to find the most significant result," and quotes that person saying that there was little difference between such an approach and just making up data out of thin air. 

Tuesday, December 15, 2020

They Kept Torturing the Data Until It Confessed to "Time Cells"

Behold the power of the modern neuroscientist. Like a magician making you believe in something that did not really happen, a neuroscientist can make you believe in something that's not really there. Part of the trick is to just use loaded language to describe particular cells. So if a neuroscientist wants you to believe that some cells store memories, he can just start calling any arbitrary cells he has selected "engram cells." And if a neuroscientist wants you to believe that some cells have something to do with time-related episodic memories, he can just arbitrarily pick some cells and start calling such cells "time cells." And if the neuroscientist wants to suggest that some cells store information about some place, he can just arbitrarily pick some cells and start calling such cells "place cells."  There are no generally agreed upon standards for identifying some cell as an engram cell or a "time cell" or a "place cell." A neuroscientist can make up any criteria he wishes for identifying some cell as an engram cell or a "time cell" or a "place cell."

Let us look at one of the studies claiming to supply evidence for so-called "time cells." The study is entitled, "Time cells in the human hippocampus and entorhinal cortex support episodic memory." At the very beginning of the paper we have a definition of time cells designed to make sure they will be found: "Time cells are neurons in the hippocampus and entorhinal cortex that fire at specific moments within a cognitive task or experience." It is well known that neurons are constantly firing. The page here (entitled "Neuron Firing Rates in Humans") states, "we expect average firing rates across the brain to be around 0.29 per second," meaning an average neuron would fire several times each second.  So if you have defined time cells as cells that "fire at specific moments within a cognitive task or experience," of course you will be able to find such cells, since neurons are constantly firing.  But in the next paragraph the text describes time cells as cells that "encode temporal information."  Of course, that's an entirely different definition.  The switch in definition does not inspire our confidence. 

The scientists describe below just a little bit of their convoluted and wildly unnatural method for trying to detect time cells:

"To identify time cells, we looked for an interaction between time and firing rate using a nonparametric ANOVA across time bins (Kruskal–Wallis test) after generating session-wide firing rate tuning curves with Gaussian convolution of the spike trains. Significance testing incorporated a permutation procedure, in which we repeated the ANOVA 1,000 times after circularly shuffling the original tuning curve."

This is not even a full description of the convoluted method the scientists have used to try to gin up some evidence for time cells. When you read the supplementary information of the paper, you will read about many other procedural twists and turns of their Byzantine method. For example, we read this:

"We first down sampled the spike train by a factor of 32 or 30, depending on the original sampling rate. We then compared the fits of two models that describe the likelihood of spiking activity at any given sample along the length of the encoding list (for encoding time cells) or retrieval list (for retrieval time cells)....A time field model, specified by a total of four parameters, included a Gaussian field of increased firing probability located somewhere along the length of the encoding list...The former was bound between 0 and 1, so that the mean of the field was located within the encoding list. To prevent excessively large Gaussian fields appearing as a flat line across the list, the standard deviation was bound at 1/6....We used matlab’s particleswarm with fmincon as a hybrid function to minimize the negative log-likelihood of these models to solve for their parameters.... We fit the model to data from all lists, only odd lists, and only even lists to avoid a single list driving the effect."

Reading about this labyrinthine methodology,  I'm reminded of a saying commonly stated among experimenters: if you torture the data long enough, it will confess to anything. 

Bad science
Neuroscience experiments often go rather like this

The visual evidence the authors present as evidence for "time cells" are some "spike heat maps," not anything coming directly from any scientific instrument, but some visuals resulting from some convoluted arbitrary fiddling with the data.  Such "spike heat maps" don't look impressive at all, and look like what we would get from random data. 

There are two things we would like to see in a study such as this, in order to have any faith that it has actually discovered any evidence of cells that "encode temporal information":

(1) Evidence of pre-registration.  To have some faith that the scientists were not just playing around with data analysis until they found some faint effect they could call evidence of what they wanted to see, we would like to see the paper tell us that the study was a pre-registered study in which the scientists tested only a very specific hypothesis they had previously publicly committed themselves to testing (before collecting any data), using one and only one method of data gathering and data analysis they had previously publicly committed themselves to (before collecting any data).  We can assume the study was not pre-registered, since no claim is made of such a thing. 
(2) Evidence of blinding.  For a study like this to be credible, we would need to see a description of how an exact blinding protocol was followed, to reduce bias in data gathering and data analysis. No mention is made of any blinding protocol. 

The study provides no robust evidence at all that there are cells that "encode temporal information."

Monday, December 7, 2020

Common Experiences That Show the Untruth of Professorial Memory Claims

Scientists have an "ivory tower" dogma about memory formation that is contradicted by much of human experience. The dogma is that you cannot instantly form a long-term memory.  The reason why scientists believe this very silly notion has to do with their groundless theory that memories are stored in brains through the strengthening of synapses. The strengthening of synapses would require the synthesis of new proteins, which requires minutes. 

So a neuroscientist will typically claim that you can't instantly acquire a permanent long-term memory, an idea that is sometimes called the theory of consolidation. They will claim that if you learn something just once, or see it just once, it will only exist in short-term memory, and quickly fade away. They will claim that repeated exposures are required of some thing to be learned, and that over the length of these repeated exposures, there will be time for synapses to be strengthened through protein synthesis. 

A statement of this theory of memory consolidation appeared recently in an MIT press release, making claims I debunk here. In the press release we read this:

“'The formation and preservation of memory is a very delicate and coordinated event that spreads over hours and days, and might be even months — we don’t know for sure,' Marco says. 'During this process, there are a few waves of gene expression and protein synthesis that make the connections between the neurons stronger and faster.' ”

Such a dogma is described like this in a scientific paper, which attributes to "common sense" something that is actually contrary to common sense and common experience:

"Common sense believes that long-term memory (LTM) is difficult to form for it requires repeated efforts for acquiring. The consolidation theory suggests that LTM needs hours to convert labile memory to LTMThis process requires the synthesis of new proteins that supports long-lasting changes in synaptic morphology." 

if brains stored memories

I could cite some animal studies that contradict such claims. But there would be no point in doing so, for we do not need any peer-reviewed scientific studies to prove that humans commonly form long-term new memories instantly. There is an abundance of very common human experience that can be cited to prove that humans routinely form new long-term memories instantly. 

Let us consider the simple case of a diary writer who has the habit of writing down in his diary before he goes to bed the events of the day.  Such a diary writer will have no trouble recalling all the important events that happened during the day, even events that he has not reviewed in his mind after they happened. Under the classification system used by psychologists, memories of things that happened twelve hours ago are long-term memory, and only memories of events within the past few minutes are short-term memory. 

Consider also the case of a store owner. He sees a customer he may have seen a few days ago, only briefly, for the first time. Upon seeing the customer the second time a few days or weeks later, he may say, "Good to see you again." Such a store owner has formed a long-term memory after only a single brief encounter with a person. 

It is a fact of human experience that humans can form long-term memories after listening to a teacher describe a historical incident only one time.  For example, after you heard your history teacher describe for the first time the assassination of Abraham Lincoln or Julius Caesar or John Kennedy, you probably remembered such stories long enough to pass a test in that class a few days or weeks later; and there is a good chance you remembered such accounts for years.  It was not necessary for the teacher to tell the stories two or three times for you to form a long-term memory of them. 

An extremely common example of the instant formation of long-term memories is how we remember movies and TV shows we have already seen. Imagine you see a particular movie on television for the first time.  If you were paying attention while watching, you will instantly form a long-term memory of the events in that movie.  Then a few months or years later you may see the movie showing again on TV, which frequently has repeat showings of movies and TV shows.  What will you typically do when you find the TV showing that old movie you saw a few months or years ago? If you particularly enjoyed the movie, you may want to watch it again. But more commonly, you will just change the channel, thinking to yourself, "I've already seen that one."

Why do you do that? It's because you remember the story of the movie, after having seen it only one time. So you change the channel, because you want to see some fresh never-before-seen story rather than some story you remember.  This would never happen if the dogmas of neuroscientists were true. If it required minutes for you to synthesize a protein to strengthen synapses in order to form a memory, you would never be able to remember things in a movie at the speed at which a movie or TV show is displayed. 

You can do a test to refute claims that it takes many minutes for you to form long-term memories. Five minutes after you finish watching a movie (which is longer than the maximum retention time attributed to short-term memory), ask yourself to orally tell what happened in the movie. You will be able to recount the whole story if you paid attention while watching it.  There will not at all be any "catch-up" effect in which you start to remember the movie's story better a half an hour or hours later after your synapses and proteins have caught up in their storage work. This is because you aren't actually storing memories through protein synthesis or synapse strengthening.  There is no real evidence for a brain storage of memories. You remember things just as if your brain had no involvement, and you can instantly form a permanent new memory when something important happens.  When someone slaps you hard on your face, you will instantly form a vivid permanent new memory.  You do not require repeated slaps for you to remember being slapped. 

brain storage of memories

Brain proteins have an average lifetime of less than two weeks. Your brain replaces its proteins at a rate of about 3% per day, and you wouldn't remember things more than a month or two if your brain was storing memories. But people like me have very good memories of trivial things they saw 50 years ago. The other day I was watching an episode of the old "Columbo" TV series from the early 1970's. I correctly identified the full names of an actor and actress that were guest stars, both people I hadn't seen on TV in many years. Then I saw the face of a very little-known actor I haven't seen anywhere in almost 50 years. Very quickly I correctly identified that his first name was John, and that he had played a role in a short-lived TV show canceled in 1971. I quickly remembered the full names of two of the actresses in that short-lived TV show never shown after its cancellation in 1971, and also the name of the show.  One of these actresses was one I hadn't seen on TV or in the movies for  nearly 50 years. There was no memory consolidation involved in the preservation of such memories, involving persons I haven't seen or recalled in countless years.  While watching another "Columbo" episode, I saw Joyce Van Patten, who I remembered as the co-star of some series with Bob Denver, some TV series involving a diner. I hadn't seen the series ("The Good Guys") or read a word about it or thought about it since its cancellation in 1970. No one would have such 50-year memory retention of obscure things if your memories were stored in a brain that replaces its proteins at a rate of 3% per day, and no one would be able to recall such very obscure facts instantly if memories were stored in the brain (something without anything such as indexing allowing fast retrieval). 

The idea that repeated exposures are required for permanent memory formation is nonsense contrary to a large-fraction of human experience.  The only reason neuroscientists spout this nonsense is that they have committed themselves to some theory of neural memory storage. When I hear a PhD speaking the obvious nonsense that humans require repeated exposures of sensory information to have long-term memories of things, it's one of those times when I say to myself, "It takes a professor to be that blind." Isolated in some ivory tower ideological enclave in which adherence to group belief tenets is regarded as mandatory, a professor may start to believe things that make no sense and are contrary to abundant human experience.  He then may end up making some obviously false claim that would never be made by a truck driver or a plumber or anyone else who had not been so conditioned by academia groupthink.