Quanta Magazine is a widely-read online magazine with slick graphics. On topics of science the magazine again and again is guilty of the most glaring failures. Quanta Magazine often assigns its online articles about great biology mysteries (involving riddles a thousand miles over the heads of PhDs) to writers who lack even a bachelor's degree in biology, and who may also lack any history of writing very much about biology. Often it will assign such articles to be written by people identified as "writing interns." The articles at Quanta Magazine often contain misleading prose, groundless boasts or glaring falsehoods. I discuss some examples of such poor journalism in my posts here and here and here and here.
The writers at Quanta Magazine often sound like the most credulous pushovers for scientists making dubious boasts. They often seem like the science journalists depicted below:
A recent example of a puff-piece article in Quanta Magazine is its fawning article entitled "The Polyglot Neuroscientist Resolving How the Brain Parses Language." The article title is a very misleading one. It is not brains that parse language. It is people who parse language. Parsing language (interpreting what someone meant upon hearing or reading something) is an example of a very high-level mental faculty. Neuroscientists have no credible tale to tell of how a brain could produce such a faculty.
The puff piece article is written by someone identified as a "writer and filmmaker," who has written many articles at the Quanta Magazine dealing with topics related to AI and technology, but almost no articles at the site relating to psychology or neuroscience. What we get is an article devoted to glorifying neuroscientist Ev Fedorenko. You can tell what a "going gaga" scientist glorification affair is occurring by the fact that the article has five huge photos of Fedorenko, each of which fills up my computer monitor.
We have this extremely misleading statement by the neuroscientist, not matching anything ever found in a brain:
" 'You can think of the language network as a set of pointers,' Fedorenko said. 'It’s like a map, and it tells you where in the brain you can find different kinds of meaning. It’s basically a glorified parser that helps us put the pieces together — and then all the thinking and interesting stuff happens outside of [its] boundaries.' ”
The brain has no maps, and it has no pointers. I know pointers well, having used them extensively when I was a C programmer early in my programming career. A pointer is a variable that stores the address where some data is stored. Brains have no addresses, and nothing corresponding to a programming variable. So in a brain there can be nothing like a pointer.
The article has a reference to a scientific paper by Fedorenko, one entitled "The language network as a natural kind within the broader landscape of the human brain." The paper says, "In this Review, we discuss brain areas that are specific to language —what we refer to as the language network — and position them in relation to perception, motor planning and cognition (Fig. 1)." There are no regions in the brain "specific to language" in the sense of being able to parse language.
The paper announces that it will back up such claims largely by appealing to brain scan studies, saying, "We primarily draw on fMRI data from studies that have relied on the individual-subject functional localization approach14,19 (Box 1), which was essential in clarifying the distinctions discussed.." We then have in Figure 1 an extremely dubious visual showing five brains. We have some "function localization" claims:
- One brain visual has a small fraction of it colored blue, and this is labeled as the "perception" area of the brain.
- Another brain visual has a very small fraction of it colored red, and we are told that is the "motor planning" area of the brain.
- Another brain visual has five parts of it colored purple, and we are told that this is the "language" areas of the brain.
- Another brain visual has quite a few parts of it colored green, and we are told that this is the "knowledge and reasoning" areas of the brain.
- Another brain visual has quite a few parts of it colored green, and we are told that this is the "intended meaning" areas of the brain.
People have been making these kind of functional localization claims about the brain for almost 200 years, and almost always the claims have been very dubious. For example, below is an illustration from the beginning of the 1834 book A System of Phrenology by George Combe. Notice how the brain areas have little numbers next to them, with the bottom legend explaining the claims made about localization of function in the brain.
What basis does Fedorenko have for the brain function area maps in her paper, Figure 2, one rather reminding you of the phrenology image above? She says her basis is brain scan data. The Supplementary Data part of the paper promises that if you click on a link you will get the data that was used to generate the brain function area maps. Following the links takes you to a little page that is almost worthless for inspecting data, as it involves a .zip file consisting of files in an .nii format that the average person will be unable to load or read. Consequently it is all but impossible for anyone to check the evidence basis for Fedorenko's brain function area maps, which should not be regarded as reliable. Neuroscientists dramatically disagree with each other when they produce such brain function area maps, which typically fail to have a sound evidence basis.
A figure on page 294 of the paper gives us the bar chart below:
The purple bars at left are probably incorrect
The scale on the left shows us that the bars refer to fMRI percent signal changes in different regions of the brain during different activities. You should note well that the largest bars show a variation of only 2%. For almost all of the activities listed, the percent signal change is less than 1%. On average the change in brain signal strength is merely about 1 part in 200. A change that small is no real sign of brains working harder during some cognitive activity. We might expect that mere chance variations would produce differences that small.
Except for the two purple bars on the left-most edge, the diagram is consistent with what I have often stated on this blog. For example, in my post "Brain Imaging Shows No Appreciable Neural Correlates of Memory Activity," I quoted quite a few studies showing a variation of only 1 part in 200 when people had their brains scanned by fMRI scanners while they were doing various memory-related activities. I noted that so small a change fails to provide any good evidence of brains causing mental activities, as we might expect a 1 in 200 fluctuation in brain activity to occur by chance, even if brains don't make minds.
But what about the purple bars on the left of the chart? What is the basis for the claim being made in the graph that during sentence comprehension there is up to a 2% change in brain signal strength? We fail to get a justification for the data shown. The references in the paper include some papers referring to sentence comprehension. But none of them seem to back up the claim above. Specifically:
- We have a reference to a paper "Cognitive control and parsing: Reexamining the role of Broca’s area in sentence comprehension." It makes no claim about percent signal changes during sentence comprehension.
- There's a reference to a paper "Retrieval and Unification of Syntactic Structure in Sentence Comprehension: an fMRI Study Using Word-Category Ambiguity." It's behind a paywall, and its abstract makes no claim about percent signal changes.
- There's a reference to a paper "The cortical language circuit: from auditory perception to sentence comprehension." It's behind a paywall, and its abstract makes no claim about percent signal changes.
- There's a reference to a paper "fMRI reveals language-specific predictive coding during naturalistic sentence comprehension." The paper does not make any claim about a percent signal change during sentence comprehension.
- There's a reference to the paper "Sentence complexity and input modality effects in sentence comprehension: an fMRI study." It's a study involving only 20 subjects, and does not claim in the main body of its text to have detected any percent signal change of 1% of higher. But there is a footnote in which the authors say that after doing some dubious-sounding fiddling with the data they got some kind of 1% difference of some type. We cannot have much confidence in such claim, as it stated only in a footnote.
- There's a reference to the paper "Form and Content: Dissociating Syntax and Semantics in Sentence Comprehension." It does not make a claim about a percent signal change.
- There's a reference to a paper "Location of lesions in stroke patients with deficits in syntactic processing in sentence comprehension." We can ignore it, because the issue is how much normal brain signals change during sentence comprehension.
- There's a reference to a paper "Time course of semantic processes during sentence comprehension: an fMRI study." It does not make a claim about a percent signal change.
- The paper here involving sentence comprehension indicates a percent signal change of less than 1 part in 200 (less than half of a percent).
- The paper here ("Neural correlates of syntactic movement: converging evidence from two fMRI experiments") reports a relatively large percent signal change of about 1 part in 100 for people listening to sentences. But the study group sizes are so small (involving only 11 subjects for one experiments, and 10 subjects for another experiment) that the paper cannot be counted as good evidence for anything.
- The paper here ("Neural correlate of the construction of sentence meaning") must be disregarded because it reported a "percent signal change" based on EEG readings rather than fMRI readings, because it used a sample size of only 6 patients, and also because of the unreliability of looking for percent signal changes in the brain waves of seizure-prone patients.
- The paper here ("Top-down and bottom-up contributions to understanding sentences describing objects in motion") used an equally poor study group size of 12 subjects, and found a percent signal change of .05 percent, 1 part in 2000.
- The paper here ("Language processing in the occipital cortex of congenitally blind adults") used one too-small study group size of 9 blind adults and another possibly halfway-adequate study group size of 22 control subjects with normal vision. Its Experiment 1 involving language processing found a percent signal change of less than .1 (less than 1 part in 1000) for the 22 control subjects. Another experiment involve language processing found a percent signal change of less than .5 (less than 1 part in 200) for the 22 control subjects.
- The paper here ("Brain activity associated with selective attention, divided attention and distraction") finds about a 1% percent signal change in the auditory cortex during language processing. But the study group size is an unimpressive 15 subjects. This auditory cortex region of the brain is not part of the "language processing" area claimed by Fedorenko. In her paper she refers to some regions of the brain and says, "These areas are distinct from the language network as well as from general-purpose sensory and motor areas, such as the primary auditory or primary motor cortex," apparently indicating that what she thinks is a "language network" in the brain is something outside of the auditory cortex.





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